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The (Committee on Publications of The Grolier (lub: 
certifies that this copy of “Notes on the American 
Press at the End of the Eighteenth (entury” is one 
of an edition of three hundred & twenty-five copies. 
Format & type-setting by (Carl Purington Rollins 

at the Sign of Zag, the (borobates. 
Ae Dé (Boca ex |] 1927 


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NOTES 
on the American Press at the End of 
the Eighteenth (entury 


OO PEs oF 


on the 


mem ERICAN PRESS 
at the End of 


LHE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 


By BERNARD FAY 
Professor at the University of (lermont-Ferrand 


NEW YORK: THE GROLIER CLUB 
O27 


7 RES OM 
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Copyright, 1927, by The Grolier Club of the City of New Y. ork 


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a. foundation of the following sketch of The American Press at 
the End of the Eighteenth (entury was a paper, read in 1924, be- 
fore the Société d’Histoire Moderne of Paris, by Bernard Fay, professor at 
the University of Clermont-Ferrand. M. Fay, who is the author of “L’E- 
sprit révolutionnaire en France et aux Etats-Unis a la Fin du XVIII° Siécle,” 
has made a profound study of the relations of France and the United States 
during the latter part of the Eighteenth Century, and is well known in this 
country as a lecturer at various universities. 

The paper in question having been called to the attention of its Com- 
niitte on Publications by a member of the Grolier Club, the Committee re- 
quested M. Fay to expand it somewhat, and to allow its publication by the 
Club. The author kindly acquiesced, and the result is a very considerably 
extended version of the original, containing much additional matter, which 
the Committee feels itself fortunate in being able to lay before the mem- 


bership of the Club. 


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The Pennsylvania Gazette. 
1. October 23, 1729, first page. 
2. September 25, 1760, first page. 
3. August 20, 1777, first page. 


The New-York Fournal. 
4. April 18, 1776, first page. 


The Boston Gazette. 
5. April 10, 1775, first page. 


The New-York Daily Advertiser. 


6. September 17, 1785, first page. 
vB do. second page. 
8. do. third page. 


The Uirginia Gazette. 
g. November 25, 1775, first page. 


Aurora. General Advertiser. 
10. May 12, 1797, first page. 


ae do. second page. 
12. do. third page. 
£3, do. fourth page. 


Porcupines Gazette. 
14. September 5, 1797, first page. 
Is, do, second page. 
16.162. do. third page. 
Aurora. General Advertiser. 
17. March 15, 1797, first page. 


The Royal Gazette Extraordinary. 
18. July 12, 1783. 


The Royal Gazette. 


19. November 15, 1783, first page. 
20. do. second page. 
21. do. third page. 


Parkers New-York Gazette. 


22. December 18, 1760, first page. 


The Daily Advertiser. 
23. October 4, 1785, first page. 
second page. 


third page. 


24. do. 


Ste tee ee ete ee a te ae oa a ete athe ae 


tThe facsimiles are reproductions of news- 
papers in the Library of Congress, the New 


York Public Library, and the Historical So- 
ciety of Pennsylvania. 


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The Pennsylvania Gazette, Otober 23, 17209. 
First Page. 


Printed in Philadelphia by Benjamin Franklin & H. Meredith. 
Showing the policy adopted by Franklin to improve this newly acquired 


gazette (first column), and what was considered fresh news in 1729 (sec- 
ond column.) 


THE 


Numb. XLII. 


Pennfylvania GAZETTE 


Containing the frefbeft Advices Foreign and Domestick. 
eee eee ener an 


From Thurfday, O@ober 16. to 


Thutfday, Odober 23, 172 9. 


“NH E Pubkfbers of this. Paper meeting 
with confiderable Encouragement, are 

| determined to continue it 5 and to that 
End have taken Meafures to fettle a ge~ 

neral Corre/pondence, and procure the bef and 
earlicft Intelligence fens all Parts. We fball 
from time to time have all the. noted Publick 
Prints from.Great Britain, New-England, 
New-York, Maryland and Jamaica, befides 
what News may be colleted from private Let- 


ters and Informations ; and we doubt not of 


continuing to give our Cuffomers all the ar 
fattion they expect from a Performance of this 
Nature. 

From this Time forward, inftead of publifb- 
ing a.Whole ne once a Week, pe the ei 
Undertaker engag’d todo in his Propofals, we 
foall publifo a Half Sheet twice a Week, 
which amounts to the fame Thing; only we 
think it will be more acceptable to our Rea- 


ders, inafmuch as their Entertainment will 


by this Means become more frequent. Numb. 
XLIV. will come out on Monday xext. 


65655969696969696969b 9596969595 9595 959696 
FOREIGN AFFAIRS. 


At prefent the Foreign News of moft.Confequence to-us 
feems to be that which relates to the Peace with Spain, ‘The 
four following Paragraphs concerning it, are taken from 
four different London Papers, of the lateit Date that came 
in the laft Veffel from thence to Philadelphia. ‘The two 
firft are from the London Fournal and the Britifo Fournal, both 
at this time accounted Government Papers ; the third is from 
the Craft{man, who is fuppos’d to be a Whigg Writer, 
but againft the prefent Adminiftration ; the fourth is from 
Fog's Journal, (the fame that was formerly called Atif's 

ournal) always reckoned a Tory Paper. When the Rea- 
der has allowed for thefe Diftin&tions, he will be better 
able to form his Judgment on the Affair. 


From the London Fosrnal, Aug. 16. 

Paris, Auguft 14. At laft an Exprefs is arrived here from 
Port St. Mary's, with the agreeable News, that on the 28th 
paft the King of Spain figned an Order for the Delivery of 
the Effetts of the Galleons, the Indulto being fettled at 
15 perCent. and thofe of the Affogues Ships at 5 per Cent. 
His Majefty had likewife ordered Pafsports to be made out 
for the Englifh South-Sea Company Sa the art 
Foot, and to put every thing in the eft-Indies in the 


fame State as before the Arrival of the Enelith Squadron in 
thofe Parts. The Diftribution of the Evetts a to be- 
gin the 15th or 16th Inftant ;, and the Flota for New 
ee will depart from Cadiz a few Days before, under 
. nvoy of three Men of War commande by the Marquis 
ari. 
From the Britib Fournal, Aug. 16. 
Extratt of a Letter from Port St. Mary's, Aug. 2. 

The 28th paft, a Grand Conference was held at the 
Houtfe of the Marquifs de la Paz, the Minifters of France, 
Great Britain and Holland being prefent: The principal 
Articles relating to the Peace being agreed on, upon 
breaking up the Conference, the King gave. Orders for the 
immediate Diftribution of the Effeds of the Galleons, 
and that all things fhould be re-eftablifh’d in the Weft-In- 
dies, as they were before the Appearance of the Englith 
Fleet at Portobello, ‘The Peace will he concluded in the 
following manner, viz. A ‘Truce for 14 Years between 
Spain and England, in which Time the jufteft Meafures 
fhall be taken to terminate all Differences ; and that Spain 
thall be fuffer'd to fend 12000 Men into Italy, to fecure 
Tutcany to Don Carlos. 

From the Craftfman, Aug. 16. 

Since our laft, We have had fome Acconnt of the Treaty, 
which hath been fo much talk’d of, communicated to us 
by duthority,; I mean in the Gazette of Saturday laft, which 
fays, “‘ that on the fifth Inftant arrived here Mr. Sharpe, 
** one of his Majefty’s Meflengers fiom Madrid, but laft 
from Paris, with Letters from Mr. Keene, his Majefty’s 
Minilter at the Court of Spain, dated at Port St. Mary's 
“© the 2d of Auguft, N.S. inclofing the Draught of a Treaty 
‘* for adjufting Matters between the Allies of Hanover and 
“© the Crown of Spain, as it had been concerted between 
“ the Minifters of the Allies and thofe of that Crown, 
‘*€ which is fent to the Courts of Engldnd and France, and 
“© to the States-General for their Approbation. In the mean 
“ Time the King of Spain's pee were iffued on the 
© 28th of Fuly, N.S. for the delivering our the Effects 
© brought from the Weft-Indies on board the Galleons to 
“< their refpeStive Proprietors ; and the Cedula’s, defired 
“© by Mr. Keene in Behalf of the South-Sea Company, were 
“ to be given in eight Days, from the Date of Mr. Keene's 
“ Letter, which Time it would require to prepare and 
“© pafs them thro’ the feveral Offices. 

Whether this Draught contains an abfolute Treaty of Peace, 
or only @ Provifional T'reaty, like that which was projected la 
Winter, we cannot yet learp, but expect to be fpeedily informed 

vom the fame Authority. 
Hodgthe From Fog’s Fournal, Aug. 16. , 

From Port St. Mary’s we are affured, that the King of 
Spain's Order is certainly iffued out for delivering to the 
Proprietors the Effects brought by the Galleons, which is 

: F : i : d to 
faid to be owing to certain panies who reprefented 
his Majefty, that many of the Merchandizes were perifli- 
able, and that the Owners muft fuffer ae aie ty 
were kept longer. ------ But we do not find ti vat t ~ a 
fure is included in this Order. ~--—- There is no Ta : 

refent of any more Marriages in P raffia, as it ae sr) . 
hop: becaufe there are other Commodities never the bet- 
ak fee keeping, befides thofe brought by the Galleons. 


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NOOWBUE- SRXOWE 
fork AMERICAN PRESS 


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END OF 


THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 


Geryeacp Tor Re 4i 


General Conditions. 


¥ lic opinion has become one of 
é.the forces directing. nations 
* and their governments. It was 

bediudiedudiadted not so in the preceding cen- 
turies, when there was scarcely any contact 
between the people and their leaders. Cer- 
tain groups exercised a real influence upon 
governments, but the people, as a whole, 
were not invited to express their opinions 
upon matters of state. One might say that 
they were not suitably organized for devel- 
oping ideas on such questions, and still less 
for making their ideas effective. 

Towards the end of the Eighteenth Cen- 
tury, the United States of America, then in 
the process of constituting themselves a na- 
tion, furnished the first example of a cohe- 
rent and powerful public opinion. 

Thoughtful minds at once began to study 
this development. In May, 1782, the Count 
de La Luzerne, the French Minister to the 
United States, wrote to the Count de Ver- 


gennes, Minister of Foreign Affairs: “La po- 
litique de ce pays ne peut étre secréte sur les 
grands objets. Elle est le résultat de la volon- 
té des peuples. Ils entrainent fatalement le 
Congrés.” And then, giving a concrete in- 
stance, he proceeded: “La seule démarche 
que je me suis permise a été d’engager le Si- 
eur Payne a publier un écrit que vous trou- 
verez dans toutes les Gazettes de cette se- 
maine, et qui a été d’autant mieux accueilli 
que cet écrivain a abandonné sa plume au 
torrent de l’opinion publique. I] n’a fait que 
donner une forme aux raisonnements de la 
multitude et présenter au public des bases 
un peu plus certaines en le mettant dans la 
confidence de certaines particularités igno- 
rées jusqu’ici. Cet écrit sera donc utile, mais 
je ne puis dire qu’il était indispensable.” 
These customs astonished and shocked 
Monsieur de La Luzerne. Some months later 
he wrote again (July 15, 1783) to his superi- 
or in the diplomatic hierarchy: “Aujour- 
d’hui les gens sages envisagent avec douleur 


2 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


un pouvoir inconstitutionnel qui s’éléve dans 
l’Etat et la violence des particuliers mise a la 
place des lois. On voit le danger qu’il y a de 
souffrir que la tourbe s’empare ainsi de l’au- 
torité, et l’on ne sait ot elle peut s’arréter 
dans les excés auxquels ]’intérét, la haine ou 
l’intrigue la pousseront.’’2 He ended by de- 
fining the United States as “‘un pays ou l’o- 
pinion et les dispositions du peuple influent 
considérablement sur les affaires.” In truth, 
the novelty of this consisted not in the spec- 
tacle of a government ruled by elements hav- 
ing no recognized authority, but in the fact 
that that government had to obey a name- 


less, mysterious and complex force, public ° 


opinion, comprising and representing all 
classes of society, all occupations and all sec- 
tions of the country; its appearance caused 
surprise and its power caused terror from 
the very beginning. The “‘philosophers,” of 
course, admired it, and one of their news- 
papers, the phémérides du Citoyen, said, as 
early as 1771: “On se livre beaucoup a l’in- 
struction dans cet heureux pays, et c’est d’elle 
qu’onattend la prospérité générale. Nous te- 
nons du célébre docteur Franklin qu'il n’y 
a point d’artisan en Pensylvanie, qui, en dé- 
jeunant, ne lise les papiers publics, et, pen- 
dant une heure aprés son diner, quelques 
bons ouvrages de philosophie et de politi- 
que.” 

Thanks to peculiar social and economic 
conditions, America had been a field high- 
ly favorable to the formation and growth of 
public opinion. There, more than in any 
other country of the world, men were free to 
discuss their affairs and political questions. 
These States had been formed by English 
colonists flying from oppression, a goodly 
number of whom had an ideal of liberty so 


exacting that from the beginning they would 
tolerate no political censorship of the press 
in their new home. It is obvious that such a 
condition was favorable to the development 
of the press and of all forms of discussion. 
Doubtless it alone would not have been suf- 
ficient for the formation of a strong, intelli- 
gent and active public opinion, but it per- 
mitted a bold and liberty-loving people to 
set themselves in that direction. 

Nevertheless, the degree of liberty which 
the journals of America enjoyed should not 
be exaggerated. The State governments and 
the Federal government, in principle, had 
no right of interference to prevent a journal 
from saying what it thought fit; but the post 
was under the control of the Government. 
Although a rate was provided for newspa- 
pers (beginning with 1793, the post office 
charged one cent for any distance up to one 
hundred miles for each paper carried),3 each 
journal had to make an individual arrange- 
ment with the Postmaster-General, who was 
free to facilitate or to impede its distribu- 
tion. He could, therefore, strangle a gazette, 
without anybody having a word to say about 
it. 

A typical case arose in 1784-5, when two 
Hollanders, Boinod and Gaillard, started at 
Philadelphia a gazette in the French lan- 
guage, the Courrier de 1’ Amérique, the pur- 
pose of which was to propagate democratic 
ideas in the United States and in France. The 
French Minister complained to the Presi- 
dent of Pennsylvania, who was unable to act 
directly; but the matter was settled by the 
Postmaster-General, who prescribed rates of 
postage unacceptable to the publishers of 
that journal. The story is told by Barbé Mar- 
bois (French Chargé d’A ffaires in America) 


Bac 


The Pennsylvania Gazette, September 25, 1760. 
First Page. 


Printed in Philadelphia by Benjamin. Franklin & David Hall. 


Containing the first news of the taking of Canada (third column) ; see also 
the advertisement of “Poor Richard’s Almanack” (second column). 


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ci "egkt Soe punt aboarear | 


PP yeypeny qn Sutusnyuop 


VINVATASNNGd WE 


'QO4E “AG uaguagay 


3. 


The Pennsylvania Gazette, August 20, 1777. 
First Page. 


Printed in Philadelphia by William and David Hall & William Sellers. 


Showing the influence of the Revolutionary events upon the newspapers, 
as well as upon the whole economic life of the country ; note at the foot of 
the first column the advertisement concerning deserters, and in the middle 


of the third column the curious political conditions. 


SEOROMO cy Maragvg th 
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AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 3 


to Count de Vergennes, in the dispatches of 
September 7, November 10, 1784,and March 
14, 1785. “Jai eu ’honneur de vous addres- 
ser depuis quelque temps, Monseigneur, une 
nouvelle gazette qui parait ici sous le titre 
de Courrier de 1 Amérique Septentrionale; 
elle est frangaise et les éditeurs sont hollan- 
dais.... Il ya six ou huit mois quwils envo- 
yerent leur prospectus en Europe, et il parait 
qwils y ont trouvé un assez bon nombre de 
souscripteurs. Dés leur début on eut lieu de 
juger quwils voulaient discréditer l’alliance. 
Le président de l'état 4 qui je parlai d’un 
article insolent qui se trouve dans le supple- 
ment du No. 2 en date du 3 Aoit, me dit 
qu’ils pourraient étre attaqués en justice 
comme imprimeurs ou auteurs d’un libelle, 
mais que ce serait les servir selon leur voeu, 
quwils ne désireraient rien tant que d’enga- 
ger un proces sur la liberté de la presse qui 
les rendrait populaires ou tout au moins qui 
contribuerait a donner de la vogue a leur ga- 
zette, qu’ainsi il croyait a propos de garder 
le silence, de s’en tenir 4 une publication que 
M. Hopkinson, un des administrateurs de 
PUniversité fit mettre alors dans les gazettes, 
et dont j’ai ’honneur de vous addresser co- 
pie. M. le président de l’Etat pensait alors 
que ces gazettiers étaient aux gages de |’An- 
gleterre, mais j’ai quelques raisons de croire 
qu ils ne sont aux gages d’aucune puissance; 
ce magistrat pense aujourd hui que le rédac- 
teur qu’ils emploient est un Genevois, banni 
de son Pays a l’occasion des derniers troubles 
et différents rapports prouvent son senti- 
ment. 

“Un magistrat les a fait venir pour leur 
faire connaitre qu’ils devaient s’expliquer 
touchant la France avec le respeét et les é- 
gards dis 4 une nation aussi amie des Etats- 


Unis. Ils ont répondu que toutes les Nations 
et tous les rois du monde devaient a leur tour 
et suivant les circonstances étre cités a leur 
tribunal, que le Roi d’Angleterre qui ne ces- 
serait d’étre représenté comme un barbare 
et un tyran dans toutes les autres gazettes, 
n’était pas mieux traité dans la leur, et que 
s'ils s’écartaient de la décence prescrite par 
la loi dans leurs publications, ils se soumet- 
taient aux punitions qu’elles infligent; au 
surplus depuis cette époque ils se sont mon- 
trés plus réservés. . . .” 

‘to Novembre 1784.... La Gazette Fran- 
Gaise qui s’imprimait ici est suspendue de- 
puis le 22 Odtobre parce que les direéteurs 
des Postes Américaines n’ont pas voulu faire 
un abonnement pour la circulation dece pa- 
plier ae 

“14 Mars 1785.... La Gazette Francaise 
intitulée /e Courrier de 1 ’ Amérique n’a en- 
core pu se relever. Un des moyens les plus 
efficaces pour en arréter la publication a été 
le refus que le direteur général des Postes a 
fait de lui donner cours 4 moins d’un abon- 
nement qu’il a fixé fort haut... .” 

All the efforts of Boinod and Gaillard 
proved in vain, and the Courrier de 1’ Amé- 
rigue could never be continued. They could 
not even protest. 

For many years the Government was sat- 
isfied with this discreet and efficient way of 
silencing objectionable newspapers. But at 
length in 1798 a severe law was enacted 
which provided a fine not exceeding $2000 
and imprisonment for not exceeding two 
years. for any person who should print or 
publish a false, scandalous or malicious ar- 
ticle against the Government of the United 
States. This would have been a serious check 
for the newspapers if it had been strictly ap- 


4 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


plied, but it was not, and in 1801 the law 
expired by limitation. 

We have to add that in the Eighteenth 
Century most of the editors of newspapers 
were poor devils, badly paid, if paid at all, by 
their subscribers of whom they complained 
often. We find, for instance, in the Roya/ Ga- 
zette (printed at New York by James Riy- 
ington) of November 8, 1783, this item, at 
the same time polite and precise: “Mr. Riv- 
ington entreats those gentlemen who are in 
arrears for this gazette, etc., to favor him 
with payment before their embarkation; this 
is suggested, with great deference, on a pre- 
sumption that some, perfectly willing to sat- 
isfy him, may leave this City without recol- 
leéting Trifles.” This was an appeal of a roy- 
alist editor to the English officers who had 
been his best customers and who were going 
to leave New York. 

If this was the situation in big cities, it is 
easy to understand why many country edi- 
tors were only too happy to receive payment 
in merchandise or provisions.+ This precari- 
ous position made them all wish to become 
printers for the State; so they did not like to 
antagonize the established authorities and 
tried on the contrary to please them. Such 
was the liberty, absolute in principle, and 
limited in faét, which was enjoyed by the 
American press. 

This liberty would not have sufficed for 
the creation of a sovereign opinion, if some 
profound tendencies of the American char- 
acter had not contributed their stimulus. A- 
merican life, before 1775, was, above all, lo- 
cal and provincial; each colony had an au- 
tonomous existence, each city, town or vil- 
lage had its own government. These coura- 
geous men, isolated in the midst of immense 


solitudes, struggling with nature in its wild 
and uncultivated state, few in number to 
contend with countless difficulties and dan- 
gers; these bold colonists had, nevertheless, 
a profound realization of man’s need of hu- 
man society. Under the influence of their 
clergy, who were in close conta¢t with them, 
and under that of their town meetings, which 
accustomed them to discussion and coépera- 
tion, there was formed a very powerful social 
spirit. An ardent community of faith, a com- 
munity of occupations, and the sharing in 
common of difficulties of every kind all tend- 
ed to make them unite in compact groups. 
Furthermore, there were few causes of jeal- 
ousy or conflict: there was land enough for 
all. Every man could live where he wished, 
and was free to depart at his pleasure. One 
should not forget those conditions of life 
in Anglo-Saxon America of the Eighteenth 
Century, if one wishes to understand clearly 
the kind of public spirit which ruled there 
—powerful, conscious of its strength and of 
its interests, feeling itself able to understand 
and decide any question which concerned it. 

As long as these scattered groups of col- 
onists remained separated by distance, diffi- 
culty of communication and diversity of in- 
terests, there existed no public opinion that 
represented the English colonies in Ameri- 
ca as a whole. But in 1753 Franklin became 
Deputy Postmaster-General and made great 
improvements in the colonial post office; he 
quickened the pace of the post-riders, in- 
creased their number, reduced the rates of 
postage and caused many post-roads to be 
shortened and improved. He organized a 
regular distribution of all newspapers and 
fixed a regular rate for them; thus making 
it easier for all publishers to sell their news- 


4. 


The New York Journal, April 18, 1776. 
First Page. 


Printed in New York by Fohn Holt. 


Showing how subscribers’ correspondence filled the place occupied today 
by editorials, and the growth of the revolutionary spirit in New York; note 
the vignette illustrating the eternity of American freedom (a serpent form- 
ing a double circle and the motto which explains it: 
“United now alive and free 

Till time becomes eternity ; 

Firm on this basis Liberty shall stand 

And thus supported ever bless our land.”’) 


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4 


AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (CENTURY 5 


papers and to get subscriptions. He showed 
again his friendly disposition towards news- 
paper men in general by advertising in their 
sheets the lists of letters remaining uncalled 
for in the post office.s As, at the same time, 
river and coastwise navigation was becom- 
ing prosperous, and rivalry with France, fol- 
lowed soon by the conflict with the Mother 
Country, was rendering their unity of inter- 
est obvious to all throughout the thirteen 
colonies, public opinion became the prepon- 
derating force, and those who knew how to 
guide it were the real leaders. The Gover- 
nors and other representatives of the King 
were helpless in the face of this new and 
formidable power. When, in 1774, the first 
Continental Congress met, it was still only 
an expression of this public opinion; noth- 
ing proves that it represented a majority of 
the citizens, but everything shows that it 
gave an exact picture of what was engross- 
ing the minds of the Americans. It has been 
said that “those who were really willing to 
risk themselves or their property in the cause 
of independence and to die in the last ditch, 
were comparatively few,”’ and again, “there 
is every reason to suppose that they were 
less than a million. They were the heroic 
element, deeply inspired by the desire for a 
country of their own. Then there were those 
only a little inspired who were willing that 
the heroes should perform the miracle of 
succeeding. But these saw no advantage in 
risking their own necks, health, property or 
comfort, in the performance of something, 
which, after all, might be superhuman. They 
were waiting and watching.”’ 6 Here we have 
for the first time a typical picture of con- 
scious and well-organized public opinion 
working to carry along with it a hesitating 


majority and endeavoring to intimidate a 
hostile minority which for some reason had 
not been able to organize itself, to enlist the 
support of good newspapers and to carry on 
the fight. “The measures of the Congress 
were quickly endorsed, with the exception 
of a few towns and small seétions, by the 
same political bodies which had created the 
continental gathering.” 7 Supported by the 
clergy, the politicians and the newspapers— 
all those who for thirty years had been try- 
ing to create a public opinion in the New 
World—the Congress was successful in its 
patriotic exertions. ‘The collaboration of the 
thirteen colonies, the declaration of inde- 
pendence, the victorious war, manifested 
that one had not been wrong in believing 
that, in spite of intervening distances, Amer- 
icans were well aware of their spiritual and 
patriotic communion, and resolved to make 
it prevail. Nothing was able to divide them. 
Congress, subject to all the fluctuations of 
events, seemed often on the point of disso- 
lution and of committing innumerable aéts 
of folly; the Minister of France passed many 
painful hours in observing it, but all ended 
happily, thanks to the firmness of public o- 
pinion in America. 

This spectacle was tremendously interest- 
ing to Europeans. It had all the more value in 
that America was no longer tending to be- 
come merely a place of refuge for oppressed 
Anglo-Saxons, but an asylum for all the 
disinherited and discontented of Europe. 
In New York there remained traces of the 
Dutch colonization; in the middle States 
and in the South were a goodly number of 
French Protestants, descendants of those 
Huguenots who had been obliged to leave 
France after the revocation of the Edict of 


6 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


Nantes, and there was a rather important 
French immigration from 1789 to 1798. At 
first the French royal government had tried 
to stop the many poor people who wanted 
to leave France for the legendary country 
of liberty and equality, and up to 1785 few 
Frenchmen really settled in the United States; 
but, with the beginning of the French Rev- 
olution, many noblemen who were afraid of 
the menacing storm sailed with their fami- 
ilies and their fortunes for the New World. 
Many great schemes were then designed, but 
nearly all failed. Neither Marietta nor Asy- 
lum was ever prosperous, and most of the 
poor colonists who settled there lost all their 
money. More fortunate, in the end, were the 
French people who left the French West In- 
dies, and especially Santo Domingo, after 
the beginning of the negro uprisings. The 
revolution in the French part of Santo Do- 
mingo was a terrible thing, and the French 
whites there were in most cases deprived of 
everything they had. Hundreds, or rather 
thousands, of French people sought refuge 
in New York, Baltimore and Philadelphia. 
They were received with great kindness and 
generosity. They were better prepared to un- 
derstand the life in America than French- 
men coming from Europe, and, as a whole, 
they succeeded in making a fresh and pros- 
perous start in this new country. Germans 
flocked towards the middle States. Swiss 
were to be found in small numbers every- 
where. They were a high type of immigrant, 
as is evidenced by the case of Albert Galla- 
tin. Italians settled mostly in the South, but 
they were never in great number. Thus all the 
peoples of western Europe were represented. 
After 1776 these immigrants felt more free 
and dared to manifest their European origin. 


Almost all had retained some conneétion 
with Europe. After 1790 there began to flour- 
ish in the United States all sorts of societies 
aiming to preserve in these foreign groups 
the memory of their old ways of living. Some 
were quite harmless, as the French Société 
des Gourmets, which flourished in Philadel- 
phia, around 1795, and was chiefly con- 
cerned in keeping alive among the French 
immigrants the custom and relish of good 
cooking. Others were distinétly philanthrop- 
ic and charitable, as the French Benevolent 
Society of Philadelphia. But others were bold- 
er and more objectionable. The many Jaco- 
bin clubs organized by Genét and his agents 
all over the United States, belong to this 
third group. They carried on a very rash 
political propaganda, and tried not only to 
keep the French immigrants under the in- 
fluence of the French revolutionary govern- 
ment, but sought to have a direét political 
influence on the Government of the United 
States. The Irish and the German societies 
seem to have been of the same type, and were 
often allied with the Jacobin clubs. ‘There 
was a very prosperous “Hibernian Society” 
in Philadelphia in 1797.8 There were also 
the lodges of Free Masons of foreign birth, 
which kept the national characteristics of 
their members and helped them to resist the 
Anglo-Saxon influence of the majority. They 
were generally on bad terms with the Amer- 
ican lodges, but they managed to live and 
endure. 

America was the most representative coun- 
try in the world; it therefore attraéted the 
gaze of all philosophers. It was fashionable 
to say, in Europe, as early as 1776, that the 
United States furnished a great speétacle to 
the whole world, and Turgot, the eminent 


6. 


The New-York Daily Advertiser, September 17, 1785. 
First Page. 


Printed in New York by Francis Childs. 
This was the first daily newspaper published in New York. Note the fine 


printing as compared with the poor work of the Revolutionary periodicals 
(for instance Nos. 4 and 18); also the curious and pacific character of the 


advertisements. 


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i The New-York Daily Advertiser, September 17, 1785. 
Second Page. 


Printed in New York by Francis Childs. 


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AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 7 


Finance Minister of France, wrote: “II est 
impossible de ne pas faire des voeux pour 
que ce peuple parvienne a toute la prospé- 
rité dont il est susceptible. I] est l’espérance 
du genre humain, il peut en devenir le mo- 
dele. Il doit prouver au monde le fait que les 
hommes peuvent se passer des chaines de 
toutes espéces que les tyrans et les charla- 
tans de toute robe ont prétendu leur imposer 
sous le prétexte du bien public. II doit don- 
ner l’exemple de la liberté, du commerce et 
de Pindustrie.”’ 9 The United States appeared 
to the world as an admirable example. The 
nation contained within itself all the typical 
elements of the great European civilizations, 
_ mingled yet recognizable. This charaéteris- 
tic of American opinion was increasingly 
accentuated during the closing years of the 
century, and, when the French Revolution 
had caused new emigrations to America, one 
might have thought that nothing to be seen 
in Europe was lacking here. In faét, together 
with those of the lower classes, the United 
States received illustrious exiles and aristo- 
cratic émigrés. After having been for nearly 
two centuries the refuge of religious dissent- 
ers, it received Catholic priests. Baltimore 
had a French Catholic seminary; and the 
city of the Pilgrims, Boston, had a chapel. 


French materialistic philosophers like Vol- 
ney, clergymen like Priestley and Sulpician 
priests like Father Nagot, had all come to 
the United States in the hope of finding 
here peace and freedom of thought. They all 
were able to speak, write and continue their 
old aétivities. “Aux Etats-Unis,” says Moré 
de Pontgibaud, “on pouvait se croire aux 
Champs Elysées décrits au sixiéme livre de 
l’Enéide, ot chaque défunt se nourrissait 
dans l’autre monde de l’idée qu’il avait ca- 
ressée de son vivant.” 1° 


ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ne 


NOTES 


1. Archives du Ministére des Affaires Etrangéres, Cor- 
resp. politique, Etats-Unis, vol. 21, folio 172. 

2. Ibid., vol. 25, folios 31, 33. 

3. J. M. Lee, History of American Journalism, 113. 

4. [bid., 68. 

5. J. Parton, Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin, I, 
292. 

6. S.G. Fisher, The Struggle for American Independence, 
I, 254. 

7.C. H. Van Tyne, The Causes of the War of Indepen- 
dence, 443. 

8. See Philadelphia General-Advertiser, March 15,1797. 

g. See “Lettre de M. Turgot,” (199-200) in (onsidé- 
rations sur T ordre de (Cincinnatus, par le Comte de Mira- 
beau. Londres, 1784. 

10. See Mémoires du Comte de M. Paris, 1828, 228. 


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Third Page. 


Printed in New York by Francis Childs. 


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Q. 


The Virginia Gazette, November 25, 1775. 
First Page. 


Printed in Williamsburg, Virginia, by fohn Dixon & William Hunter. 
_ Showing the quality of printing in the South, before the Revolution. Note 


the picturesque vignette, and the extensive “‘Catalogue of Books for Sale 


by Dixon & Hunter.” 


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The Role of the Press in the United States 


from %770 to 1800. 


E conditions which we have 


a aoe oe described caused 


=< many a struggle, and the dif- 
oat. to tr, ferent elements which consti- 
& xox tuted American public opin- 
ion had some difficulty in coming to an a- 
greement. Conflicts of races, of religions, of 
customs and of inclinations, one had seen 
all of these. Extent of territory favored a cer- 
tain degree of public serenity; but there was 
another conflict, more curious and more se- 
rious, among those who wished to guide o- 
pinion and make use of its strength: namely, 
that between the clergy and the journalists. 
Towards 1740, American public opinion, 
still incoherent, was in the hands of the cler- 
gy, who in each city or village exercised a 
_ preponderating influence: in the south, be- 
cause of the position of the clergy of the An- 
glican Church, recognized as the established 
church; in the north, as a result of the posi- 
tion of the Congregational ministers, who, 
very strongly organized, maintained a tra- 
ditional supremacy over a pious population. 
In Massachusetts, the explosions of religious 
prejudicesagainst the witches have remained 
famous; moreover, in the first half of the 


Eighteenth Century (1734-1750) came the 
“Great Awakening,” ! which, by placing re- 
ligious questions in the foreground, gave to 
those who preached the word of God a sov- 
ereign power over souls. Even free-minded 
citizens, like Franklin, who had very few 
church afhliations and no longer belonged 
to any denomination, were impressed, wept 
at Mr. Whitefield’s sermons, and contribut- 
ed to his success with their enthusiasm and 
money.? It must also be observed that the 
first books printed in America were religious 
books, and that, until the end of the Eight- 
eenth Century, the majority of the works 
and pamphlets published on the soil of the 
New World were edifying or pious books. 
The philosophic movement, which, all over 
the world, was imperilling the position of 
the churches and their political and social 
preponderance, had hardly been felt in A- 
merica. “Culture in any except the tradi- 
tional form, was totally lacking in the col- 
onies, and ideas which differed from this 
must wait for more favorable conditions be- 
fore there could be any chance of their ac- 
ceptance. It is with these considerations in 
mind that the modern man should view the 


10 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


religious phenomena of the Seventeenth and 
Eighteenth Centuries in the American col- 
onies,’’3 

However, beginning about the middle of 
the century there wasa reaction against cler- 
ical domination and dogmatism. ‘The Great 
Awakening had not been able to bring about 
any profound improvement in the morals of 
communities, and its effect does not seem 
to have been very lasting, even in the towns 
which had supported it most ardently. It 
had not created any religious literature of 
a high grade. Its emotional appeal had se- 
duced all, but had left them confused and 
hesitating. Its failure marked the beginning 
of a new era in America. Of this reaction 
Franklin has become the typical represent- 
ative. He was neither an atheist nor a secta- 
arian. He believed in God, and had a sincere 
respect for Christ. In 1728 he wrote: “I be- 
lieve there is one supreme, most perfect Be- 
ing, Author and Father of the Gods them- 
selves. For I believe that Man is not the most 
perfect Being but one, rather that as there are 
many degrees of Beings his Inferiors, so there 
are many degrees of Beings superior to him. 
ee. 4 And again, in 1790, he wrote: “Here 
is my Creed. I believe in one God Creator of 
the Universe. That he governs it by his Provi- 
dence. That he ought to be worshipped. That 
the most acceptable Service we render to him 
is doing good to his other Children. That the 
soul of Man is immortal, and will be treated 
with Justice in another Life respecting its 
conduét in this. These I take to be the fun- 
damental principles of all sound Religion, 
and I regard themas you do in whatever Sect 
I meet with them.”5 He was very tolerant 
and broadminded, but he distrusted the in- 
fluence of the clergy on the political and in- 


telleétual life of the people. In 1738 he wrote 
to his father: “I think vital religion has al- 
ways suffered, when orthodoxy is more re- 
garded than virtue; and the Scriptures assure 
me, that at the last day we shall not be ex- 
amined what we ¢hought, but what we did; 
and our recommendation will not be that 
we said, Lord! Lord! but that we did good to 
our fellow creatures. See Matt. xxv.” © These 
quotations illustrate very clearly Franklin’s 
distrust of the clergy. At a time when this 
body was very strong and had great political 
power, Franklin tried to prevent it from tak- 
ing a national leadership. He dreamed at 
an early date of a unification of the English 
colonies in America, but he realized that the 
colonies needed to be shown the way to- 
wards it, and from 1754. on, he was seeking 
the means of bringing this about. But he 
wanted to do it himself. 

Nowthe influence of the clergy over souls, 
if it promoted in each city and village an 
intense public spirit, nevertheless stamped 


it with a local chara¢ter. The colonies had 


churches very different from each other: the 
Congregationalists were predominant in 
Massachusetts, the Quakers in Philadelphia, 
the Church of England in New York and in 
the southern colonies. Each body of clergy 
strove jealously to preserve entire its influ- 
ence over its faithful, and feared the neigh- 
boring sects as heretical and intriguing. The 
Great Awakening disturbed more than one 
clergyman, and the Church of England took 
a decidedly hostile attitude towards the itin- 
erant preachers. The career of Whitefield is 
not only the story of his ardent fight against 
the spirit of evil, but also of his struggle a- 
gainst hisclerical rivals whom he often treat- 
ed roughly and whom he represented as be- 


Io. 


Aurora. General Advertiser, May 12, 1797. 
First Page. 


Printed in Philadelphia by Benjamin Franklin Bache. 


Illustrating the evolution and growth of the American newspaper in Phil- 
adelphia (compare with facsimile No. 1). 


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Aurora. General Advertiser, May 12, 1797. 


Second Page. 
Printed in Philadelphia by Benjamin Franklin Bache. 


Containing much news from France, and showing the general French in- 


fluence upon these Democratic newspapers. 


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AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY II 


ing in great need of salvation, repentance 
and purification. Everywhere in the Ameri- 
can colonies there were theological discus- 
sions and sectarian rivalries which became 
very bitter. In order to form a national public 
opinion, another ground of understanding 
and another instrument of collaboration had 
to be found. Franklin soon saw very clearly 
what could be done. He deprecated these 
sterile quarrels, and although he carefully 
refrained from attacking any religion or any 
minister, he often expressed his disgust at 
the religious controversies and dissensions. 
Ata time when an attack on human igno- 
rance was the most difficult and the most 
needed thing in America, he founded libra- 
ries and universities, he established learned 
societies (The American Philosophical So- 
ciety, established in 174.4), above all, he per- 
fected the newspaper, and finally he did a 
practical piece of work by taking charge of 
the postal service, improving it carefully 
with a view to establishing easy communi- 
cation between the colonies. The importance 
of his role cannot be exaggerated; it is im- 
_ possible to show the extent of it ina few pag- 
es, as numberless small details would have 
to be included to describe properly the val- 
ue of his work. Franklin possessed an exact 
mind which translated into achievement all 
that it dealt with. Thanks to this quality he 
brought to a successful issue everything that 
he undertook. In 1775 the press in America 
was already equipped to do a useful work, 
and the credit was largely due to Franklin. 
There was a newspaper in each city, and as 
many as seven in Philadelphia (one of them 
being a German paper). Boston, New York, 
Charleston, Baltimore and Williamsburg 
were important centers of printing and had 


several gazettes whose literary value and 
political influence varied widely. 

The Revolution was to give to the press 
a magnificent occasion to develop and to 
acquire large influence. The clergy of New 
England and some Anglican pastors had fa- 
vored the rebellion; some of them had been 
real revolutionary leaders and had power- 
fully helped patriotic feeling to crystallize 
in the English colonies, as, for instance, Dr. 
Samuel Cooper, of Boston, the friend of 
Franklin, who to the very end of his life was 
entirely devoted to the great cause of free- 
dom and independence, and never ceased in 
his sermons to comfort and encourage the 
people of Massachusetts. But even to these 
patriotic clergymen the Revolution brought 
a diminution of power. All the authorities 
established and recognized before 1774 suf- 
fered from the transfer of sovereignty to the 
American people, and from the lack of dis- 
cipline which spread throughout the conti- 
nent. Certain sections, as Virginia, saw reli- 
gious life disappear almost entirely, and the 
clergy reduced to a state of helplessness. “In 
the post-revolutionary period the Episcopal 
Church reached its lowest state in the South, 
where, in colonial times, it had been most fa- 
vored. Statistics of communicants are not ac- 
cessible, but we may learn the general con- 
dition of the Church from the statistics of the 
clergymen. In 1776 there were nearly two 
hundred clergymen in the colonies south of 
Mason and Dixon’s line.... At the end of 
the Revolution the number in parishes was 
a mere handful.’’7 It was not a sudden ex- 
tinction of the faith, but a social reaétion a- 
gainst everything which seemed aristocrat- 
ic in the Churches, and against the political 
authority of the clergy. Finally, the move- 


12 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


ment of the American troops throughout the 
colonies, enabling the young men in the ar- 
my to observe the different sects, and lead- 
ing them to frequent the company of French 
papists and philosophers, could not fail to 
have results. A Catholic priest, the Abbé 
Bandole, chaplain of the Minister of France, 
preached before Congress assembled, and at 
Philadelphia was seen a great Catholic bur- 
ial service, the piety of which was admired 
by all. Hazard wrote to Belknap (June 27, 
1780), describing this ceremony: “As I had 
never seen even the inside of a Popish 
church, and the ceremony was to be per- 
formed on a Monday, I determined to at- 
tend; and, upon going into the church, I 
found there not only Papists, but Presbyte- 
rians, Episcopalians, Quakers, etc. The two 
chaplains (one a Presbyterian and the other 
a Churchman) were among the rest. I con- 
fess I was pleased to find the minds of peo- 
ple so unfettered with the shackles of bigot- 
ry. The behaviour of the Papists in time of 
worship was very decent and solemn, vastly 
more so than among the generality of Prot- 
estants; there was not a smiling nor even a 
disengaged countenance.” 8 Toleration be- 
ing more generally prevalent in the United 
States, the clergy lost some of their influence. 
Moreover it was no longer a question of the 
discussion of local problems, but of great in- 
ternational matters. It was a question of see- 
ing clearly into the politics of the world. In 
such matters the clergy found themselves 
out of their field; the travellers, the politi- 
cians and the professional journalists were 
better informed than they, and their pres- 
tige vanished. 

Thus the years which followed the War 


of Independence and the Peace of Versailles 


saw a rapid development of the American 
press. During the war the newspapers had 
been very badly printed. “It was a hard time 
to begin business anew,” says Benjamin 
Franklin Thomas, speaking of his grandfa- 
ther, Isaiah Thomas, who was then reorgan- 
izing and endeavoring to renew the publica- 
tion of the Massachusetts Spy ; “all business 
was disordered bya paper currency daily de- 
preciating; materials and labor were difh- 
cult to be procured; subscriptions to his pa- 
per hard to be got and harder to be collect- 
ed.’’9 Editors could be drafted as soldiers, as 
it happened to Thomas. They no longer re- 
ceived the paper which they had been in the 
habit of using and which came chiefly from 
Europe.!° Certain newspapers, as the Ui7- 
ginia Gazette of Dixon, which formerly 
used to appear on a large sheet, were now 
printed in o¢tavo size only. They had retained 
their influence, because no one was able to 
get along without them, and people were ea- 
ger for news. They aroused the same inter- 
est that the war sheets printed in France dur- 
ing the recent Great War did with their dai- 
ly communiqués. They won an even greater 
popularity because of the exertions, suffer- 
ings and sacrifices of their patriotic editors. 
To give but one instance among many: John 
Holt, who was the editor of the New York 
Fournal and a firm Whig, had to leave New 
York when the British army took possession 
of that city. “He left in New York a consid- 
erable part of his effeéts, which he totally 
lost. Another portion of his property, which 
had been sent to Danbury, was pillaged or 
burnt in that place by a detachment of the 
British army, and a part of his types, with 
his household furniture, etc., were destroyed 
by the enemy at Esopus.”’!' After 1783 he re- 


12. 


Aurora. General Advertiser, May 12, 1797. 
Third Page. 


Printed in Philadelphia by Benjamin Franklin Bache. 


Illustrating the bitterness of feeling against Washington displayed by the 


Republican party in America (third column, beginning ‘‘ More treason!”’). 


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AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 13 


Diced to New York and continued the pub- 
lication of his newspaper. But these newspa- 
pers of the days of the Revolution were not 
adapted to the conditions of a time of peace 
and prosperity. After the signing of the trea- 
ty of peace, they resumed their large format. 
Each publisher strove to improve his paper. 
Isaiah Thomas, at Worcester, was able to pro- 
cure new types and better paper for his Spy, 
which was enlarged to five columns. Others 
were bolder, and the first dailies in the Unit- 
ed States appeared: the Pennsy/vania Packet 
printed its first issue on September 21, 1784. 
Literary or philosophical extraéts crept into 
all the papers. A whole generation of intel- 
ligent and progressive editors then shed their 
light: Greenleaf at New York, Oswald at 
Philadelphia, Isaiah Thomas in Massachu- 
setts. Thomas was a very prosperous and in- 
fluential publisher, who not only owned a 
newspaper, but had a large printing house, 
and sold school books, law books and works 
of general literature. He printed some excel- 
lent popular editions of the Bible (in folio, 
with fifty copper-plates). “He was in faa 
one of the largest book publishers on either 
side of the Atlantic. ... His work was re- 
markable for elegance We accuracy.” 12 
But it is Matthew Carey who has the best 
claim to our attention. He was born in Ire- 
land of a good family, and was a Catholic. 
Having written a pamphlet in favor of his 
brethren in faith, he was obliged to flee from 
Ireland and seek refuge in France. There 
Benjamin Franklin seems to have been very 
kind to him and to have employed himat his 
Passy press. The Marquis de La Fayette took 
him under his protection. After Carey had 
studied the art of printing at the establish- 
ment of the great Didot, he returned to Ire- 


land. After having been imprisoned for a 
time by the British authorities, he was per- 
suaded by his friends to try his luck in the 
United States (1784). La Fayette gave him 
letters of introduction to some of his Ameri- 
can friends, and the poor Irish boy, who had 
no friends in the United States and who was 
lame, was, in a very short time, through his 
ability, his wide knowledgeand his fierce in- 
dustry, able to win for himself a prominent 
position. He first established the Pennsy/va- 
nia Herald, which had buta short life; then, 
with five associates, he created the (o/umbi- 
an Magazine; and, in 1787, he alone pub- 
lished the American Museum, a thoroughly 
American magazine, the first of its kind, as 
a matter of fact. This magazine, which de- 
voted a very large part of its space to agri- 
culture and industry, had an excellent staft 
of American writers: Benjamin Rush, ‘Tom 
Paine, Freneau, Trumbull, Col. Humphreys, 
Hopkinson, Benezet and others. It printed 
extracts from famous European authors and 
was the most powerful literary organ of the 
early United States. Carey’s house was the 
rallying place of the liberals in Philadelphia. 
He made a specialty of the importation of 
European books, and sold them all over the 
country, having agents in Boston, New York 
and the South. In spite of the risks and ex- 
pense involved in transporting them during 
the wars of the French Revolution, many of 
the works which had a popular success in 
the United States came from Europe,* and 
Carey sold a large quantity of them. It was, 
in fact, chiefly owing to his labors that Eu- 
seein: oe eas to aly its ac- 


se "THlémaque ml nage rest ign Fénelon’s S Saris: Rollin’s s 
histories, eAnacharsis, the English theologians and novel- 
ists. 


14 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


customed vogue in those difhcult times. He 
also shipped American books to Europe. For 
the period from 1792 to 1798 his business 
amounted in its total to 8300,000, a large 
sum for those days. He made a fortune, and 
found himself involved in everything—re- 
ligious disputes, literary discussions, politi- 
cal, scientific and medical quarrels.!3 His 
great polemic with Cobbett, on the subject 
of the epidemic of yellow fever, created na- 
tion-wide interest and did not end in his de- 
feat. He was probably one of the most efh- 
cient of the men who labored to make Phil- 
adelphia the book-distributing center of the 
United States during the post-revolutionary 
period. There was a great demand for books 
and newspapers in America, where the aver- 
age man seems to have read more than was 
the casein Europe.!4’'The people of the Unit- 
ed States were then concentrating all their 
forces in the endeavor to become a great 
civilized nation, and to conquer a place for 
themselves among the nations of the world, 
and these editor-printers were among their 
most active educators. The country profited 
by all this, and the publishers themselves ac- 
quired an enviable position. 

Beginning with 1790 a new and signifi- 
cant tendency developed among the politi- 
cians; namely, that of procuring the support 
or backing of some editor or editors. Dr. Mil- 
ler, in his ‘Retrospect of theEighteenthCen- 
tury,” wrote: “It is worthy of remark that 
newspapers have almost entirely changed 
their form and charaéter within the period 
under review. Fora long time after they were 
first adopted as a medium of communica- 
tion to the public, they were confined, in 
general, to the mere statement of /aés. But 
they have gradually assumed an office more 


extensive,and risen to a more important sta- 
tion in society. They have become the vehi- 
cle of discussion, in which the principles of 
government, the interests of nations, the spir- 
it and tendency of public measures, and the 
public and private characters of individuals, 
are all arraigned, tried and decided. Instead 
therefore of being considered now, as they 
once were, of small moment in society, they 
have become immense moral and political 
engines, closely conneéted with the welfare 
of the State, and deeply involving both its 
peace and prosperity.” 15 This, at first sight, 
seems to apply equally well to the American 
press at the end of the Eighteenth Century 
and to the French press of the same period; 
but we must observe with care the difference 
between the policy of the American leaders 
and that of a Brissot, of a Robespierre, of a 
Mirabeau, each of whom owned a newspa-. 
per in order to be able to say in it what he 
wished, and to have a place where he could 
talk freely and plainly to the public, but 
cared little about making a paper which was 
interesting in itself and which could live by 
its own merits. 

In America, on the contrary, the great po- 
litical leaders, Jefferson and Hamilton, took 
care not to appear under their names in the 
sheets which they subsidized. In 1792, at the 
time of his acute confliét with Hamilton, Jef- 
ferson, thinking it necessary to make the fact 
clear, solemnly proclaimed that, outside of 
lending some European newspapers to Fre- 
neau, he had no share in the conduét of the 
paper published by the latter. “As to any 
other direétion or any indication of my wish 
how his press should be conduéted, what 
sort of intelligence he should give, what es- 
says encourage, I can protest, in the presence 


14. 


Porcupine’s Gazette, September 5, 1797. 
First Page. 


Printed in Philadelphia by William Cobbett. 


The leading pro-English and conservative newspaper in America at the 
end of the Eighteenth Century. Note the growth of industrial and scientif- 
ic a¢tivities in Philadelphia, as illustrated by the advertisements, of a scien- 
tific book (first column), of a foundry (third column), of lotteries and 
books (second and fourth columns), of the mail stage (fifth column), etc. 


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AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 15 


of heaven, that I never did by myself or any 
other, or indireétly, say a syllable, nor at- 
tempt any kind of influence. I can further 
protest, in the same awful presence, that I 
never did, by myself, or any other, direétly 
or indireétly, write, dictate or procure any 
one sentence or sentiment to be inserted 7 
his, or any other gazette, to which my name 
was not affixed or that of my office. I surely 
need not except here a thing so foreign to 
the present subject as a little paragraph a- 
bout our Algerine captives, which I put once 
into Fenno’s paper.”’!6 This language is very 
far from the expressions of a Robespierre, 
openly writing to his constituents, of a Ma- 
rat denouncing his enemies and the enemies 
of the nation. The American statesmen had 
editors chosen with care, and they sought to 
give to their respective newspapers a value 
which would render acceptable the articles 
or bits of news that they wished to insert. 
Jefferson, in spite of his pretension, depend- 
ed at first upon the Nasional Gaxerte,which 
was directed by the scholar, poet, sea-cap- 
tain, Philip Freneau, who was at the same 
time “Clerk for Languages” at the Depart- 
ment of State. He was a gifted writer, a sin- 
cere and sometimes eloquent poet,an ardent 
revolutionist. He was educated at the Col- 
lege of New Jersey (Princeton), where he 
received from Witherspoon and his other 
masters a profound love of liberty. He was of 
French descent, and thoroughly understood 
the French language.'7 His qualities and 
abilities were many, but he does not seem 
to have been an efhicient manager or a good 
business man. His paper is, without doubt, 
the best that I know of among the papers of 
the Eighteenth Century. It contains a short 
and general résumé of European news, some 


semi-satirical local items which are very 
amusing, and literary articles which are 
generally vigorous and often powerful. The 
reader feels that it was edited with love and 
pride. It lived two years, and had an agitat- 
ed career, fighting against Hamilton and the 
Federalists, and perpetually clamoring for 
more editorial freedom and for more publi- 
city regarding the aéts of the Government 
and of Congress. After its disappearance Jef- 
ferson gave his support (but in an even more 
cautious and mysterious way) to the. 4urora 
General Advertiser, which was published 
in Philadelphia by Benjamin Franklin Bache, 
beloved grandson of Dr. Franklin, who had 
taken him as a small boy to Europe, placed 
him in a school at Geneva, and later brought 
him to live with him at Passy. There the lad 
had watched the marvellous career and man- 
ifold aétivities of his grandfather; he had 
worked with him at his press, and Franklin, 
finding in the youth a promising disposition 
to become a good printer and editor, had 
sent him to Paris to study the latest methods 
of printing at Didot’s. Benjamin Franklin 
Bache seems to have had fine personal qual- 
ities, a good deal of charm and manly beau- 
ty, and a quick and generous mind.18 His 
exceptional education had made him devel- 
op more quickly than most boys of his gen- 
eration. Unfortunately, he immediately be- 
came involved in the painful and terrible 
quarrels of the first decade under the Amer- 
ican Constitution, and his premature death, 
before he was thirty, prevented the revela- 
tion of his true charaéter. His attacks on 
Washington have given him a bad reputa- 
tion, which I do not consider entirely justi- 
fied. Nearly all of his mistakes and rash acts 
can be explained by his youth, the influence 


16 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


of environment and the excitement of those 
days. The -4urora was more violent and 
more difficult to handle than the Nasional 
Gazette, but Bache was a better newspaper 
man than Freneau. His paper was a large 
daily sheet, in which particular care was de- 
voted to the setting forth of the news, which 
was furnished in great abundance. Other- 
wise it resembled the Gazette of Freneau, 
although it seems to have been edited ina 
more lucid manner, and, in the beginning at 
least, was printed with more typographical 
perfection, which seems to show that Bache 
had not forgotten the lessons of Didot. To 
offset the influence of this newspaper, which 
represented democracy and French thought, 
the Federalist party established several pa- 
pers. But even before Freneau and Bache had 
begun to publish their papers, the Federalists 
had created the Gazerte of the United States, 
which was direéted by the honest, hard- 
working, poor and dull Fenno,19 who, in de- 
fending the cause confided to him, showed 
the same vehemence that Freneau and Bache 
displayed in supporting democratic princi- 
ples. He was equally violent, convinced and 
vulgar. But he was never a successful news- 
paper man. He was tiresome, and his paper 
seems never to have given him really enough 
to live on. 

In 1797 there lived in Philadelphia an 
Englishman, William Cobbett, who founded 
Porcupine’s Gazette and produced exam- 
ples of very coarse, but very clever, polemic 
literature in favor of Federalism. Cobbett 
ruined himself by the excess of his violence. 
During the epidemic of yellow fever he car- 
ried on a fierce controversy with Matthew 
Carey and Dr. Benjamin Rush (the latter of 
whom was a Democrat in politics) over the 


proper method of treating that disease, with 
the result that he was adjudged guilty of li- 
bel, and was obliged to discontinue the pub- 
lication of his newspaper, which had had a 
prompt and seemingly complete success.2° 
His was, in fact, one of the first American 
newspapers to publish two editions a day.* 21 

Thus we see the rdle played by a newspa- 
per in America about 1797. It allowed no 
controversy to pass without taking a hand in 
it. To attract attention and curiosity and to 
sustain interest, it was constantly necessary 
to find a subject for discussion; this discus- 
sion had to be striking and easy of compre- 
hension, and the subjeé matter had to be 
presented in general and simple terms, The 
American papers were destined for hetero- 
geneous groups scattered over a vast territo- 
ry. They were not able to indulge in subtle- 
ties and allusions, as could the newspapers 
edited in Paris and London.They had to aim 
at the essential and to be contented with the 
elementary. Consequently, after groping a 
while, they discovered which topics pos- 
sessed lasting interest for their public, and, 
in the main, since 1790 the same subjects 
have been discussed by the American press. 
In 1798 the press campaign was dire¢ted in 
favor of or against participation in European 
quarrels. In the elections of 1800 it had for 
its center Jefferson, accused of immorality, 
of chimerical idealism and of a dangerous 
tendency to drag the United States, at the ex- 
pense of their real interests, into the forma- 
tion of a sort of democratic league with the 
nations of Europe. It is in the newspapers 


that we find stated precisely and clearly the 
Dt BS TS TIS SIS Sie Sie Sle tie RS US US FE Sie St Se 


USS US SS NS TS Sie Se Sle Sie Be Te she ie sie sie ais 


* Samuel H. Smith was doing the same with the New 
World, and preceded Cobbett in this by a few months. _ 


16. 


Porcupine’s Gazette, September 5, 1797. 
Third Page. 


Printed in Philadelphia by William Cobbett. 
Illustrating the scruples of an Eighteenth Century editor, when he printed 


news which he wished to believe, but did not altogether trust — ‘Glorious 


news, (if true.)”’ (fourth column). 


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Ae Third Page. | 5 
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~ Anearlier issue of the newspaper for the same day as the preceding facsimile 


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AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 17 


two conceptions of America which still di- 
vide Americans: a. the United States as an 
apostle nation which should serve as a mod- 
el to other peoples and give them aid (the 
Aurora);>2 6.the United States, a privileged 
people who should isolate themselves in or- 
der to conserve the purity given by God, and 
to develop their virtues and their riches (the 
Gazette of the United States).3 We would 
seek in vain for large works or for philo- 
sophical or political treatises in which these 
theories are set forth, but in 1799 and 1800 
there was not a month in which the -4urora 
and the Gazezte of the United States did not 
present them to their readers. While awak- 
ening and developing the sense of American 
unity, the newspapers realized that one of 
their principal reasons for existing should 
be to discuss the rules and conditions of re- 
lations with Europe. From the first they re- 
solved to be the educators of the nation in 
respect to foreign policy. One could show 
their influence on many other subjects: uni- 
fication of language, of customs and of liter- 
ature, etc., but it seems to me that one could 
find no more striking and important char- 
acteristic of the formation of the American 
ideal than this tendency and this desire of 
the newspapers, from 1790 on, to make the 
foreign policy of the United States depen- 
dent on them and on public opinion. 

The importance of this fact cannot be re- 
alized, unless we remember that no country, 
not even republican France, was then accus- 
tomed to having questions of foreign policy 
discussed by the people, or desired that the 
crowd should be informed of all that was 
done, said and thought in that field. In 1777 
Vergennes issued an order forbidding peo- 
ple to discuss the American situation in the 


cafés of Paris;24 and we see from the publi- 
cation of M. Aulard, “Paris pendant le Di- 
rectoire,” that the Directory had spies in 
these cafés and did not hesitate to put in jail 
the customers who advanced too definite 
ideas on questions of foreign policy and ex- 
pressed them too strongly.?5 The rule of se- 
crecy in foreign affairs still prevailed every- 
where else, while in America the newspa- 
pers had been strong enough to have it ab- 
rogated. When in 1794. Washington wished 
to prevent public discussion of the Jay Trea- 
ty, the text thereof was communicated (in 
spite of the express order of the President) 
to the -4urora, which published it immedi- 
ately and caused it to be reproduced every- 
where. Thus the first struggle between the 
Executive and the Press in America ended 
in favor of the latter. 


Spee tthe iit i ie 


NOTES 


1. H. L. Osgood, American Colonies in the Eighteenth 
Century, II, 411-450. 

2. On the relations of Franklin and Whitefield, see 
Writings of Franklin (edited by A.H.Smyth, 1906-7), I, 
354-358. Franklin said of Whitefield in 1747, “he is a 
good man and I love him” (idid., II, 316); and again in 
1771, “mentioning Mr. Whitefield, I cannot forbear ex- 
pressing the pleasure it gave me to see in the Newspapers 
an account of the respect paid to his memory by your as- 
sembly. I knew him intimately, upwards of thirty years. 
His integrity, disinterestedness, and indefatigable zeal in 
prosecuting every good work, I have never seen equalled, 
I shall never see exceeded.” (Jbid., V, 308). 


3. Osgood, op. cit., III, 86. 

4. A. H. Smyth’s ed., Writings of Franklin, Il, 92. 
5. Ibid., X, 84. 

6. Ibid. p21 5, 


7. John S. Bassett, “Popular Churches After the Rey- 
olution,” Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, Series I1, vol. 48, 


pp. 256-7. 


18 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


8. Belknap Papers, Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections, Series 
V, vol. II, 61-2. 

g. Isaiah Thomas, History of Printing in America, 2d 
ed., 1874, I, Ixxi. 

10. J. M. Lee, History of American Fournalism, 60, 90- 
95> 97> 

11. Thomas, op. cit., 1, 303-4. 

12. Ibid., I, lxxi. 

13. On Carey see the very interesting book by E. L. 
Bradsher, Matthew (arey, Editor, Author and Publisher, 
New York, Columbia University Press, 1912. 

14. [bid. 

15. Miller, Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century, quoted 
in Thomas, op. cit., 11, 200. 

16. Writings of Fefferson, Monticello ed., VIII, 403-4. 

17. S.E. Forman, The Political Activities of Philip Fre- 
neau. Johns Hopkins University Studies. 


18. A. H. Smyth’s ed., Writings of Frankiin, V1, 410, 
418; VII, 10, 43, 1263; VIII, 304, 336; IX, 68, 89; X, 
301, 363, 486. 


19. I hope that we shall very soon have the interesting 
book which Miss E. Ward is writing on J. Fenno. Miss 
Ward was kind enough to let me see the letters of J. Fen- 
no and of J. Ward Fenno, who succeeded his father as ed- 
itor of the Gazette of the United States. 


20. G. D. H. Cole, The Life of W. Cobbett, 48-68. 
21. J. M. Lee, op. cit. 139. 

22. See the e4urora, March 19, 1799. 

23. See the Gazette of the United States, July 5, 1799. 


24. See “Correspondances bretonnes du XVIII* Sie- 
cle,” in Revue a’ Anjou, t. 77, p. 87. 

25. Aulard, Paris pendant le Direcioire, 11, 567; 1V, 
71. 


17. 


Aurora. General Advertiser, March 15, 1797. 
First Page. 


Printed in Philadelphia by Benjamin Franklin Bache. 


Showing the space taken in the newspapers by literary advertisements. 


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CATA Pal”’ HuReveds lel 


Sources from which the American Press derived 


its Information. 1770-1800. 


we must recall how they were 
cnsmenononeoee made up. They resembled the 
English journals, but not those of continen- 
tal Europe; in fact, at a time when the latter 
were printed on o¢tavo or quarto sheets, the 
American papers appeared on folio sheets. 
_ About 1800 the American newspapers had 
a format similar to that of the Yournal des 
Débats of our day. In general, from 1770 to 
1800, the first and third pages contained 
news and political articles; the second and 
fourth were usually devoted to advertise- 
ments, official announcements, poems and 
literary essays. Sometimes they also con- 
tained reports of the proceedings of Con- 
gress and of the State Legislature. But there 
was nothing regular, and the publisher did 
not feel obliged to print his paper always on 
the same plan. If we take, for instance, the 
Pennsylvania Gazette for 1785, and study 
three issues of February, we find that on 
February gth the first and second pages are 
filled with political letters sent by readers; 
they are signed “‘Briarius,” “Andromache,” 


“Caution,” “Aristides,” and are written in 
the style of the time. They discuss questions 
interesting to the State of Pennsylvania. The 
third page has a column of news from Phil- 
adelphia (meeting of the Philosophical So- 
ciety), Charleston (story of a pirate), Kings- 
ton (‘bid.), Cadiz (Algerian pirates capture 
an American ship), Lorient (trouble in Hol- 
land), Reading (tyranny in England); the 
other two columns of the third page and the 
whole fourth page are advertisements. On 
February 16th, the first two columns of the 
first page are taken by a message from the 
President of the Supreme Executive Coun- 
cil to the General Assembly of Pennsylvania; 
the rest of the first page and also the third 
page are entirely filled with advertisements. 
The second page contains letters from read- 
ers, on the Bank of North America, the tax- 
es, the Assembly of Pennsylvania. The fourth 
page is all advertisements, but there is a sup- 
plement of six columns, where four columns 
are news and two are advertisements. The 
news comes from New York (the Portuguese 
are abolishing their vineyards to grow corn), 
London (the troubles in Holland; commerce 
with America), Amsterdam (the troubles in 


20 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


Holland), Philadelphia (arrival of Arthur 
Lee), Germantown (meeting of delegates 
from the County of Philadelphia; their res- 
olutions), Groningen, London again, The 
Hague, Frankfort, Rotterdam, etc. On Feb- 
ruary 23d, the first and the fourth pages are 
devoted to advertisements; the second has 
two columns of letters from readers (on the 
funding bill, taxation, the Assembly of Penn- 
sylvania). One column of the second page 
and two of the third page contain news, as 
one column of the third page is given to ad- 
vertisements. The news comes from London 
(long dispatch on the troubles in Holland), 
New York (ships arrived), Charleston (hard 
winter in Europe), Boston (ceremony in hon- 
or of Washington’s birthday), Philadelphia 
(meeting of merchants and traders, General 
Assembly of the State of Pennsylvania). And 
so it continued the whole year round, the 
publisher feeling free to present matters as 
he chose, and printing in his paper in a very 
broad-minded fashion anything he deemed 
interesting, from whatever source it came 
and under any title. The only thing which 
we do not find is the editorial. The newspa- 
pers published the letters and pamphlets that 
were sent to them; but only rarely, and then 
very briefly, did they express their opinions 
on the questions discussed therein. Early in 
the history of American journalism, Barthol- 
omew Green had the habit, whenever he 
printed any special news item, of adding 
some reflection of a religious chara¢ter! and 
of moral value. But this custom does not 
seem to have been adopted by his successors 
or outside of Boston. Until 1790 the news- 
papers were made by the printers, and they 
were very discreet about their opinions; af- 
ter that date professional journalism really 


begins, and very soon the editor’s opinions 
and points of view take more and more 
room in each paper. A printer of 1786, who 
was generally a bookseller at the same time, 
used to receive the news of the neighbor- 
hood and print it in his sheet, together with 
the news that he found in the other papers 
of his seétion of the country, the proclama- 
tions of the Governor, the letters from his 
readers and the proceedings of the Legisla- 
ture, and any local gossip. Usually he wrote 
very little himself. Most of his matter was 
hearsay, copy or reprint. There is still pre- 
served the collection of papers from which 
certain editors drew the material which they 
needed for their gazettes.2 The editor had 
no originality, but a great acquisitiveness; 
in his paper he offered hospitality to every- 
thing from the advertisement of merchan- 
dise recently arrived from Europe to the no- 
tice regarding an escaped slave, of whom a 
little drawing was given—the same for all 
occasions; from items about an adulteress or 
an abduéted woman, to the advertisement of 
a stallion for sale or for hire; from notices of 
ships about to sail, to sensational sermons. 
Some of these advertisements really bring 
back to us the atmosphere of the time. I find 
the following in the Pennsylvania Gazette 
of June 22, 1774: 


TWO DOLLARS REWARD. 

R™ away on the fecond of this inftant May a cer- 

tain Ann Mintzes, of a thick chunky make, and 
fancy complexion; gives fuck and keeps a puppy for 
that ufe; fhe took with her the following articles, viz: 
one gown, two holland aprons, one filk handkerchief, 
a pair of holland fleeves, one cambrick cap, and one 
fheet. Whoever takes faid perfon fo that the fubfcrib- 
er may get the goods and her brought to jusftice fhall 
have the above reward paid by Anrcam We cu living 
near the China Manufactory, Love-Lane, Southwark. 


IQ. 


The Royal Gazette, November 15, 1783. 
First Page. 


Printed in New York by Fames Rivington, the great royalist 
newspaperman and propagandist. 


This royalist newspaper gives “General Washington’s Farewell Orders to 
the Armies of the United States.” When Washington entered New York, 
Rivington was not molested by the national troops, and it is generally be- 
lieved that the General called upon him to thank him for his patriotic ser- 


vices as a spy. 


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20. 


The Royal Gazette, November 15, 1783. 


Second Page. 
Printed in New York by James Rivington. 


See the picturesque advertisements, and especially the three vignettes of 
ships; Rivington was known as a good printer. Note also (first column) 
the anti-French news, which the royalist paper prints, although in the 


same issue it gives Washington’s Farewell Orders. 


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adsey savy OYM ‘s19UTIas0j aBe.no rua 04 uid & pyod 
-oad sey urionyod patyinauryip Ahsan ye sadeg 


"N= O} Gai Osaa: 


“uOpuoT 
mor, skog kaiqa us S4a5t0.7 “1409 


‘psofieryy digs agi &q senapy saqssng 


AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (CENTURY 21 


TO BE SOLD. 
aX Heattuy Necror Git, about 17 years of age, 
has had the {mall pox and meafles, can do all 
forts of houfe work and would fuit the Country to 
which fhe has no objection. Her chara¢ter will be 
honeftly told. Enquire of the Printers. 
[April 27, 1774.] 


Eaft Bradford Townfhip, Chefter County, February 20, 1774. 
HEREAS CuRisTIANA the wife of the fubfcriber 
eloped from her Hufband, whereupon they a- 
greed to live apart, and the fubfcriber engaged to pay 
her twelve pounds a year during their feparation, and 
fhe was not to run him in debt. And whereas the {aid 
CurIsTIANA, notwith{tanding her agreement, runs the 
fubfcriber in debt; therefore I do earneftly requeft and 
forbid all and every perfon or perfons, not to truft her 
on my account, for Iam fully determined not to pay 
any of her debts from the date hereof. 
[December 14, 1774.] MicHarL REGHTER. 


FRONT TEETH. 
A. perfon willing to difpofe of their Front TrrTu 
will receive two guineas for each tooth, on ap- 
plying to No. 28 Maiden Lane. 
[Rivington’s New York Gazette, December 17, 1783.] 


HUE & CRY. 
HEREAS MATHIAS SEIDEBANDER, of Alface town- 
fhip, Berks county, eloped from his wife, about 
three years ago, without any reafon whatfoever, this 
is to give him notice that unlefs he returns in three 
months after the day of the date hereof, I will difown 
him as a hufband and keep houfe with him no longer. 
[November 24, 1774.] Mary SEIDEBANDER. 


To tell the truth, advertisements like the 
last above are more rarely to be found than 
are those similar to that published by the 
said Michael Reghter, and it seems either 
that there were more “Christianas” than 
“Mathias Seidebanders,”’ or that the wives 
did not proclaim desertion as often as did 
the husbands. It appears from these exam- 
ples that, by 1790, Americans had acquired 
the habit of announcing everything in the 


newspapers, and of searching them for in- 
formation of all kinds. Such was the case 
throughout the United States, and such has 
always been the case. The local function of 
the newspapers guaranteed their original de- 
velopment and assured their stability. This 
has been so, with little change, through the 
succeeding years. In this respect all the news- 
papers of America were and are alike. Their 
distinctive features were the news items that 
they received from abroad, and the articles 
that were communicated to them. When an 
editor could find such essays to publish as 
“’TheFederalist”’ of Hamilton, Jay and Mad- 
ison, printed in eighty-five numbers of the 
Independent Fournal of New York, it gave 
him at once a great advantage over his ri- 
vals, who generally hurried as fast as possi- 
ble to reprint them. 

The necessary consequence of these con- 
ditions was that the best newspapers were 
grouped in or around the seaports. It was in 
fact much easier to get, at New York, Bos- 
ton, Philadelphia (then the largest American 
port), Baltimore, Charleston and Savannah, 
fresh and original news and cultivated and 
well-informed writers, than it was in the cit- 
ies of the interior. Furthermore, the inland 
papers were only copies of those of the sea- 
ports, and were subject to the influence of 
the latter. The newspapers of the seaboard 
had also the advantage of being addressed 
to a more curious and cosmopolitan public. 
Consequently their circulation was greater 
than that of the country journals. For papers 
that were popular it must have amounted 
to 3,500 or 4,000. In fact about 1780, Riv- 
ington, the loyalist publisher of the Roya/ 
Gazette, claimed that his paper had a cir- 
culation of 3,600.3 Cobbett, eighteen years 


22 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


later, announced as a marked success, the 
number of 3,200 subscribers to Porcupine’s 
Gazette.* The price of these papers was not 
very high. The subscription to the Boston 
Gazette in 1757 was “five shillings and four 
pence lawful money” a year; the Boston 
(Chronicle in 1767, six shillings and eight 
pence; the Portsmouth (N ew Hampshire) 
Gazette in 1756, one dollar; the Pennsy/va- 
nia fournal in 1766, ten shillings; the Penn- 
sylvania Ledger in 1775, ten shillings; the 
Pennsylvania Evening Post in 1775, twelve 
shillings; the -4urora in 1797, eight dollars; 
Porcupines Gazette in 1797, eight dollars; 
Rivington’ s Independent New York Gazette 
in 1783, three dollars, and so on. But even 
with these low prices the publishers did not 
succeed in getting enough subscribers. Peo- 
ple took every opportunity to read a paper 
without paying for it; they would borrow a 
copy or see one at the tavern. In winter they 
would refuse to pay the subscription because, 
the roads being obstructed by snow, they did 
not receive their papers regularly. It was very 
difficult to get their money, and even more 
so to satisfy them. A few papers published 
two editions, after 1795, in an endeavor to 
placate their country readers who were dis- 
contented and claimed that everything was 
being done for the city folk. One of these e- 
ditions was for the city and the other for the 
country. Almost all publishers issued spec- 
ial editions concerning important or unex- 
pected events. But all this was scarcely pos- 
sible for the newspapers of the remote dis- 
triéts; only those of the ports had financial 
resources sufhcient to enable them to make 
such expenditures. 

Proximity to the sea was an essential con- 
dition for the success of a newspaper. The 


gazettes of the ports were those most influ- 
enced by the European papers, and they went 
so far as to get their inspiration direétly from 
the journals of the Old World. ‘Thus, up to 
1775, we see American newspapers repro- 
ducing exclusively those of England. All 
their news was drawn from that source, a fact 
which is not surprising, for commerce with 
other nations or their colonies was not au- 
thorized. The most frequently quoted ga- 
zettes belonged to the Whig party, with 
which the Americans maintained good re- 
lations and official ones. Asking for the fa- 
vor of the public, Rivington says: “From 
henceforth the printer will neither expect or 
solicit their favors longer than his endeavors 
shall stamp the same degree of authenticity 
and credit on the Roya/ Gazette of New York 
as all Europe allows to the Roya/ Gazette of 
London.” (Roya/ Gazerte of July 10, 1782). 
It is impossible to give any exact statistics or 
any very accurate statement as to the com- 
parative influence of the several great Eng- 
lish papers, as the American newspapers sel- 
dom said from which English paper they had 
taken their news, although it was clear that 
it came from an English source. After 1778 
the public did not care to see the titles of 
the English sheets mentioned too often. The 
English, through their commerce and trav- 
elers, received a large fund of information 
about the various countries of the world, and 
the American newspapers were well sup- 
plied from that source. However, the Eng- 
lish professed a superb contempt of all other 
nations and of all countries governed by ab- 
solute sovereigns. France, in particular, was 
vigorously attacked, and the Americans of 
the pre-revolutionary period reprinted with- 
out comment these items of news and prej- 


2I. 


The Royal Gazette, November 15, 1783. 
Third Page. 


Printed in New York by Fames Rivington. 
Showing curious advertisements in a royalist newspaper, at the time of the 


American triumph. Note a meeting of the loyalists (first column), and a 


ship for St. John’s, Nova Scotia (fourth column). 


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AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (CENTURY 23 


udiced opinions. Two of them taken from 
the Boston Post Boy will give an idea of this 
attitude.On December 21,1772, the Post Boy 
says: “Lonpon. There is in the Court of 
France a man well known for his danger- 
ous abilities: his name is Vergennes. It is him 
the Court of France always employs when 
it has projects uncommonly black to be exe- 
cuted;” and on January 10, 1774, “the King 
slumbering in Madame Barre’s lap, now and 
then is waked by the cries of his distressed 
subjects; he inquires what disturbed him; 
being told, and knowing it is a matter of 
such little consequence, he reposes again. 
His ministry is planning a scheme of gov- 
ernment for his successor. The poor people 
is eating one another.”’* 

After 1775 there was a great change. A 
trade in arms, provisions and commodities 
of all kinds was henceforth conducted on a 
large scale between the French colonies and 
the United States; and this trade extended 
even to France. Thus we see the Gazette de 
la Martinique often quoted in the Amer- 
ican revolutionary papers. To a lesser de- 
gree the other newspapers of the French An- 
tilles were used. When in 1778 the Franco- 
American alliance had been signed and an- 
nounced, people began to read the French 
gazettes. There was, however, one obstacle 
to their circulation: they were all controlled 
or supervised by the French government, 
and that did not please liberty-loving Amer- 
icans. They preferred to seek in the French 
gazettes and Mercures literary pieces and 
articles of a general nature, rather than news. 
ste ste ate ate ate ate te ate sie sie S1s ale S16 Sie Ate SIE aie Sie ale ate S16 ae ale Se aie Sie Ie ae Hie He Hie aie ae 


* Note that for ten years or more, the American papers 
constantly referred to Madame du Barry as “Madame 
Barre.” Writers of that day were reckless in their spell- 
- ing of foreign names. 


Never in the American newspapers did in- 
formation of French origin succeed in oc- 


cupying the place that news from English 


sources did. From 1776 to 1789 the French 
press was successful in making itself known 
and quoted in America, especially on mat- 
ters of a technical, intellectual or philosoph- 
ical order. England kept her privileged rank 
which was assured to her by community of 
language. American editors preferred print- 
ing an excerpt from an English paper (even 
if they had to accompany it with a refuta- 
tion) to taking from French papers items 
that they did not well understand, and for 
which a translator had to be employed, an 
expense they could ill afford. Furthermore, 
the news from France was présented in a 
way to which the American mind was not 
accustomed. The efforts of the King and of 
individual French publishers had succeeded 
in giving a certain circulation to a few tech- 
nical papers in the French language, as the 
Fournal des Médecins militaires Francais, 
which Crévecceur, then French Consul at 
New York, was instructed by the King to 
send as a gift to American physicians; and 
the Observations sur la Physique, the best 
French review on the physical sciences, 
which its editor, the Abbé Rozier, endeav- 
ored to circulate in America.5 Liberal or- 
gans like Thomas’s Massachusetts Spy gave 
long and frequent extracts from the most fa- 
mous French paper of the time—the “Your- 
nal de Paris, to which Franklin now and 
then contributed. From 1789 to 1797, thanks 
to the enthusiasm aroused by the French 
Revolution,many more extra¢ts fromFrench 
sources were to be found in American jour- 
nals. Certain papers, as the ational Ga- 
zette of Freneau, the Aurora of Benjamin 


24. NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


Franklin Bache, and Porcupine’s Gazette of 
Cobbett, had regularly appointed transla- 
tors, but these were an expensive luxury, 
and the mass of American editors preferred 
to seek in English gazettes the translations 
from French newspapers that were to be 
found there. After 1797 it became almost 
impossible to procure French journals, be- 
cause everything that came from France 
was boycotted, and the space allotted to the 
French press was reduced to nothing. John 
Adams had managed to expel all French- 
men from America (Alien Law), public opin- 
ion no longer tolerated the wearing of the 
French revolutionary cockade,® which had 
before been so popular, and any American 
editor who should have printed an opinion 
or a piece of news taken openly and clearly 
from a French source would have suffered. 
Furthermore, at that time, due to the treat- 
ment that the Directory accorded to the 
French papers, no organ in France had any 
kind of freedom, and, consequently, none 
enjoyed any prestige whatever outside of 
France. French newspapers of 1797-1799, 
shallow and constantly disappearing to be 
reborn under new names so as to evade the 
pursuit of the Government’s police, could 
not be accepted and taken seriously by for- 
eigners. 

Ontheother hand, at this period the news- 
papers of Central Europe, which until then 
had been negleéted, received more atten- 
tion. Holland, to tell the truth, had always 
been considered the part of Europe to which 
one could go to seek impartiality and wis- 
dom. The Netherlands and the United States 
were united by similarity of political princi- 
ples and of religion, and by their common 
struggle against England.Certain journalists 


in Holland had personal friends in America, 
as, for example, Reinier Arrenberg, publish- 
er of the Rozterdamsche Courant, and a con- 
tributor to the Nouvelles Extraordinaires 
de Leyde, the best newspaper in Holland 
until about 1796. Arrenberg and some of his 
collaborators used to correspond regularly 
with the American representatives in Eu- 
rope, and were glad to print anything that 
Franklin wished. During the whole of the 
War of Independence the Americans main- 
tained in Holland a sort of bureau of propa- 
ganda, directed by a very learned and studi- 
ous man, Charles F.G. Dumas.7 The Dutch 
press served to give news which, without 
emanating from England, did not come from 
theFrench government. It was a Dutch jour- 
nal, the Gazette d’ Utrecht, which was one 
of the very first on the continent to publish 
the full text of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence.’ This sympathy for the Americans, 
this evident accuracy and independence of 
the Dutch press, created a very favorable im- 
pression in the United States, and these ga- 
zettes were used by the publishers of Amer- 
ica as the most reliable source of news. John 
Adams sent the Gazette de Leyde to Con- 
gress to inform them about Europe; and Jef- 
ferson gave it to his friends. When Freneau 
established the National Gazette, Jeflerson 
did more: “I cannot recolleé [when it was | 
that I was told he | Freneau | had a thought 
of setting up a newspaper. ...I considered 
it a circumstance of some value, as it might 
enable me to do what I had long wished to 
have done: that is,to have the material parts 
of the Leyden Gazette brought under your 
eye,” [ Jefferson writes this to Washington | 
“and that of the public, in order to possess 
yourself and them of a juster view of the af- 


23. 


The Daily Advertiser, OCtober 4, 1785. 
First Page. 


Printed in New York by Francis Childs. 


See the curious advertisements and the fine announcement with border (first 


column), illustrating the good standard of printing in New York in 1 7955 


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MALIVAVHD fo m0 SYTLIVEWHD 


AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 25 


fairs of Europe than could be obtained from 
_ any other public source. This I had ineffec- 
tually attempted through the press of Mr. 
Fenno, while in New York, selecting and 
translating passages myself at first, then hav- 
ing it done by Mr. Pintard, the translating 
clerk, but they found their way too slowly 
into Mr. Fenno’s papers. Mr. Bache essayed 
it for me in Philadelphia, but his being a dai- 
ly paper, did not circulate sufficiently in the 
other States. He even tried, at my request, 
the plan of a weekly paper of recapitulation 
from his daily paper, in hopes that that 
might go into the other States, but in this 
too we failed. Freneau as translating clerk 
and the printer of a periodical paper likely 
to circulate through the States (uniting in 
one person the parts of Pintard and F enno) 
revived my hopes that the thing could at 
length be effeéted. On the establishment of 
his paper, therefore, I furnished him with 
the Leyden Gazette, with an expression of 
my wish that he could always translate and 
publish the material intelligence they con- 
tained, and have continued to furnish them 
as regularly as I received them.”? This shows 
well enough the interest that Americans 
and those knowing Europe best, took in the 
Leyden Gazette. But the coming of the 
French to Holland in 1795 put a sudden end 
to this popularity of the Dutch newspapers; 
in faét, those of the Dutch gazettes which 
did not cease to appear had to conform to 
the instruétions given them by the Revolu- 
tionists, and were no longer free to depict 
events as they pleased. 

Then, while the English journals resumed 
a popularity which they had not had in A- 
merica since 1775, the papers of Germany, 
and especially those of the Hanseatic cities, 


played the rdle that the Dutch were no long- 
er able to fill. Hamburg had become a very 
important center of French refugees, revolu- 
tionist spies, English agents and traders, who 
were awaiting a favorable occasion to pene- 
trate the territories occupied by France. We 
see Gouverneur Morris, wishing to ascertain 
the opinion of Europe and to intrigue a- 
gainst the Diretory, visiting Hamburg in 
1796-7, and working there actively during 
the winter. !° It is Hamburg that Talleyrand 
chose as his first halting place when he left 
the United States and was on his way to 
be promoted from the dignity of a proscript 
to the perilous and dubious honor of Minis- 
ter of Foreign Affairs under the Directory. 
The newspapers of Hamburg were then of- 
ten quoted in America, but less than those 
of Leyden and Amsterdam had been. The 
length of the crossing sometimes made them 
arrive too late to be used. 

Finally we must mention the Italian pa- 
pers which, at the very end of the century 
were sometimes consulted, either because of 
the war which was going on in their coun- 
try, or for the reason that the English jour- 
nals had begun to quote them. 


Ir follows from this review, too brief, but 
complete in its outlines, that the American 
press, having become the essential factor of a 
powerful public opinion towards the end of 
the Eighteenth Century, had begun to draw 
its information from all accessible sources. 
While in 1770 it read only the English pa- 
pers, and took from them only news of an 
English charaéter, in 1800 it was carefully 
reading the European papers, although not 
to the same extent as those of England, and 


in the English journals it sought everything 


26 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


that would give an impartial and European 
idea of events. The point was reached where 
a variety of confused and contradictory in- 
formation was presented on almost every 
subject. More than once I have seen at the 
head of a piece of news (e.g. the first news of 
Trafalgar, of the great victories of Napoleon 
in Italy, the Peace of Bile, etc., in fact any- 
thing which was important and could fur- 
nish a weapon to one of the two great polit- 
ical parties) printed in large letters in an A- 
merican paper of 1798—1800, these words: 
“TmportTant Ir Trug,’ or Giorious News 
—Ir Trus.” Their remoteness from Eu- 
rope, which they took into consideration 
now that they no longer accepted the Eng- 
lish version, rendered judgment difficult. 
Most of the controversies extended over 
years. I shall cite the one about Freemason- 
ry. It began in 1797 with a statement in the 
Abbé Barruel’s book on the Bavarian Illu- 
minati, as to their disruptive influence and 
the Masonic origin of the French Revolu- 
tion. (“Mémoires pour servir 4 Histoire du 
Jacobinisme.”’)! 1 Barruel set forth the the- 
ory that Freemasonry had prepared and or- 
ganized everything with a view to a world 
revolution. He had very sensibly noticed the 
large number of secret or half secret socie- 
ties which had flourished in France just be- 
fore the Revolution, and he thought that all 
had had Masonic origin and Masonic affhili- 
ations. He believed that a gigantic plot had 
been prepared by these antichristian deists 
to destroy the French Monarchy and the 
Catholic Church. 

His book made a profound impression 
throughout Europe; it was taken very seri- 
ously and was much discussed. An English 
author, Robinson, came to the rescue and 


presented the same views. In the clubs of é- 
migrés and among the enemies of the Di- 
rectory, this theory was readily accepted. 
The book contained an imposing documen- 
tation, and even those who refused to accept 
its conclusions were obliged to acknowledge 
that many facts stated therein were true. In 
America, where a large part of the country 
began to be exasperated at and acutely a- 
fraid of the French radical and atheistical 
propaganda, the book was analysed. The 
ministers of New England who were seek- 
ing an arm with which to attack the French 
Revolution, made use of it; they cited a 
great number of Scottish, German, French 
and American authors. A Massachusetts cler- 
gyman, learned and well known for his 
important geographical works— Jedediah 
Morse—delivered and printed eloquent ser- 
mons on this subject. His colleagues imitat- 
ed him, and Osgood was equally inspired 
and vehement. A general polemic ensued in 
the press throughout the United States. Ev- 
erybody accused his opponents of being II- 
luminati and of belonging to “self-organ- 
ized societies.” It did not fail to disturb the 
Republicans, who really suffered from this 
discussion, because the Jacobins had not 
made a favorable impression upon the plain 
people of America. It was a bitter and pro- 
tracted fight. Finally the question (which 
even now might be discussed) was declared 
settled, when two letters arrived from Ger- 
many; one from the learned and philan- 
thropic Ebeling, the other from Weisshaupt 
himself (the chief of the Bavarian Illumina- 
ti), denying that there was anything in com- 
mon between Freemasonry and the French 
Revolution, or any tie between the Bavarian 
Illuminati and French Freemasonry (1800). 


25. 


The Daily Advertiser, OCtober 4, 1785. 
Third Page. 


Printed in New York by Francis Childs. 


Containing, in its first column, what was, for the time, the nearest ap- 


proach to an editorial; and a witty criticism of Europe. 


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AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 27 


We see to what an extent the United States 
at that time were open to everything that 
came from outside, and to what extent lib- 
erty of discussion, coupled with intense cu- 
riosity, produced fertile results. 

Under these circumstances, it is not sur- 
prising that the Governments of France and 
of England should have made strenuous ef- 
forts to influence this public opinion. The 
whole world admired it for its wisdom and 
esteemed it the best informed; for any bel- 
ligerent to be able to use it would have been 
a great help. The propaganda condu¢ted in 
the United States by England on the one 
hand and by France on the other, in the clos- 
ing years of the Eighteenth Century, has 
never been thoroughly studied.* But we are 
now able to realize the importance thereof. 
During the War of Independence the King 
of France had at least four Americans in his 
pay: Dr.Samuel Cooper, the eminent Boston 
preacher, who received 250 pounds sterling 
annually to enable him to employ.a clerical 
substitute so that he might devote his own 
attention to political affairs; General Sulli- 
van, who had spontaneously come to offer 
his services to France at a time when Eng- 
land tried to employ him and when his debts 
rendered him an easy prey to the best bid- 
der; and H. H. Brackenridge, who received 
the same as Sullivan, namely 41,000 a year. 
Finally, Thomas Paine, whom Gérard had 
engaged at an annual salary of 1,000; but 
Paine was very lazy and does not seem to 
have been paid regularly. The organization 
was suppressed in 1783 as too expensive, use- 
less and dangerous. Vergennes felt that there- 


SHE SIE RE SIE SIS SIE SIG SIS SIE SIG SIG SIE SIS TE ae SE BSUS HS SIE SIE SIE SIG SIE SIE SIE SIE SIE SIE SIE SIE 
* As has never been studied for itself the propaganda 
carried on in Europe by the American Revolutionists be- 


tween 1775 and 1790.™ 


after France could not do much for the Unit- 
ed States, that the American nation would 
not do much for France, and that if the ex- 
istence of this organization were exposed it 
would discredit the Franco-American alli- 
ance. 

After 1793 Genét, Fauchet and Adet, suc- 
cessively Ministers of France to the United 
States, reorganized a secret service about 
which we know but little. However, it ap- 
pears that De Witt Clinton was its center, 
at least for a time. Randolph was, without 
doubt, one of the collaborators, but noth- 
ing proves that he ever accepted money for 
himself. Towards the end of the century the 
principal secret agent of France was Alex- 
andre Blanc de la Naulte, Comte d’Haute- 
rive, a great friend of Talleyrand, to whom 
he wrote constantly, and to whom he gave 
more than one absurd idea of the United 
States. Their correspondence, a part of which 
is kept in the Archives of the Ministry of 
Foreign Affairs at Paris, comprises some of 
the queerest diplomatic documents of the 
revolutionary period. From 1793 to 1797, 
the French consulates in the United States 
were organized into centers of propaganda 
and publicity; the most active, seemingly, 
was that at Charleston, where worked Man- 
gourit. He had very early been a revolution- 
ist in France, and felt inspired to be the same 
in America. He was the most faithful aux- 
iliary of Genét in his wild schemes, and he 
had a real influence on the Charleston ga- 
zettes, wherein, more than once, he pub- 
lished colored news and revolutionary com- 
ments.!3 The French consuls, Rozier at Bos- 
ton and Letombe at Philadelphia, succeed- 
ed equally in getting revolutionary items in- 
serted in the local papers.14 We have enough 


28 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 


proofs to show that the system worked for 
a time, although it was finally broken up by 
the “X.Y.Z.”’ scandal,* the Alien Law, and 
popular indignation. 

Everything tends to prove that the Eng- 
lish had in the United States an organization 
similar to that of the French, but I have not 
made any investigation thereof and cannot 
furnish details. The struggle between these 
two machines was violent; the stake was im- 
portant: it was a question of dominating the 
freest and most powerful public opinion in 
the world. But it does not appear that any 
foreign nation has been able to deceive the 
country or impose on the American press 
for a long period of time. Although some 
newspaper men, embittered by the political 
struggle, and too passionately devoted to a 
theory, may have lost their clearness of judg- 
ment, as a whole, the Eighteenth Century 
papers in the New World maintained a high 
standard of journalism. They were written 
and printed by men who had a large experi- 
ence and were not easily deceived. 

That they sustained, for the most part, a 
critical and detached attitude, may be as- 
sumed from the following paragraph, very 
sensible and indeed modern, clipped from 
the New York Daily Advertiser (O&ober 
4, 1785): “Europe no longer affords the in- 
exhauftible fund of intelligence, for which 
it has been heretofore remarkable. Truth— 
lies—matters of faétt—and {peculations— 


* When John Adams sent Marshall, Pinckney and E. 
Gerry to treat with the Direétory and to demand redress 
for the damage done to American commerce, Talleyrand, 
then French Minister of Foreign Affairs, tried to oblige 
the American envoys to give him a large sum of money. 
Later, when John Adams published the report of Pinck- 
ney and Marshall, in place of giving in full the names of 
Talleyrand’s agents, he called them “X. Y. Z.” 


are all, all equally flat, equally infipid. Hard, 
indeed, is the lot of the poor Printer! obliged 
to furnifh out his bill of fare, at all events; 
he muft run through piles of papers, glean 
up an article or two, here and there, from 
amidft heaps of trafh, and yet be liable to 
the charge of ftupidity and dullnefs—when 
the fact is, that unlefs he COINS London 
and other European News in America, he 
can hardly lay before his readers a fingle 
line worth perufal. The execution of eight- 
een or twenty criminals—the wonderful 
exploit of raifing balloons—the mevertobe 
enough lamented fall of Blanchard’s para- 
ceute—the shop tax—the outcries of the 
Pittites and Foxites—reformatorial pro- 
jects—Irith propofitions—learned, elegant, 
and edifying differtations on the profound 
my/teries of the fafhions, alfo on ladies head- 
drefles, Leonardo bonnets, Figaro curls, {el- 
tines, hoops, and ( poh pudor!) * * *s, with 
other matters, egua/ly important, have com- 
pofed nearly the whole of the intelligence 
wafted to us, acrofs the Atlantic, in the zypo- 
graphical /ybilline fheets, for many months 
paft—(Carey’s Her.).” 


Sab ehhh hahahahahahaha 


NOTES 


1. Lee, History of American Fournalism, 25. 


2. See especially the superb colleétion of Isaiah Thom- 
as, preserved by the American Antiquarian Society, Wor- 
cester, Mass. 


3. Thomas, History of Printing in America, I, 123. 

4. Cobbett’s Gazette had a very fast growth. Founded 
in March, 1797, it had more than 2,000 subscribers in 
April (see copy of April 22), and 3,000 in November 
(copy of November 2). Then it climbed to 3,200 which 
seems to have been the highest circulation of this paper. 


5. See B. Fay, L'Esprit Révolutionnaire en France et aux 
Etats-Unis 2 la fin du XVIII" Siecle, 141. 


AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 29 


6. Ibid., 278. 11. Vernon Stauffer, New England and the Bavarian 
7. A. H. Smyth’s ed., Writings of Franklin, 1 .453.1463 Tluminati, New York, 1918. 
Vilas, 825 VIII, 3, 142, 245. 12. I have tried to give an idea of this propaganda in 


eee my L’ Esprit Révolutionnatre, 97-100. 
8. Journal inédit du Duc de (roy, WI, 300-302. : 
13. [bid., 215, 239, 252, 259; see also J. F. Turner, 


9. Writings of Jefferson, Monticello ed., VIII, 402-403. “The West in Diplomacy,” in American Historical Re- 


10. Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris, edited by view, III, 570-580, ete. 


Anne C. Morris, II, 148-248. 14. Fay, op. cit., 280. 


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